Speech by Minister Valtonen in London, at an event hosted by Chatham House

Speech by Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen about Finland’s approach to European security at an event entitled "Keeping the peace on NATO’s longest border with Russia", hosted by Chatham House on 4 March 2025.

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Ladies and gentlemen,

It is a true privilege to see you all here today. In this historic setting, where great ideas and solid principles shaping global affairs have long been debated, I am honoured to contribute to this essential conversation. And if it’s not today when great ideas and solid principles are needed, I don’t know when.

Today I would like to speak to you about security and the future of Europe and Ukraine. I will focus on European support for Ukraine, the pathway to sustainable peace, and on how to strengthen the role of Europe in writing the next chapter of the free world.

One thing we can say for sure is: we in Europe have a unique opportunity to take ownership of our own future. This is not to say that we would do it at the cost of our transatlantic tie. On the very contrary, by starting to better pull our own weight, we strengthen the partnership so crucial to both sides of the Atlantic.

We Finns don’t usually like to make a big deal of ourselves, but on this matter, I must depart from tradition and say that defense and security are topics we truly know something about. Our history has taught us not just how to survive, but how to defend what we hold dear.

Support to Ukraine

Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine shattered the post-Cold War ideals of stability in Europe. That aggression started already more than 10 years ago with the illegal annexation of Crimea.

Now Ukrainians have fought the full-scale war for three long years and continue to fight for their right to live as an independent nation, free from oppression. Let us be clear: Ukraine is not only fighting for its own survival – it is fighting for all people’s right to choose and be free.

Finland stands with Ukraine now. Finland will continue to stand with Ukraine in the future. Compared to the size of our GDP, Finland is Ukraine’s fifth-biggest supporter.

We are in constant contact with the Ukrainian government and armed forces to ensure that our support continues to meet their immediate needs and is made available without delay.

On top, we are actively enhancing Ukraine’s long term strategic resilience. We explore new means and mechanisms, including support for Ukraine’s own defence industry. Ukraine’s rapid innovation in drone warfare is a testament to their defence forces’ resolve – and we must ensure that they has the industrial capacity to maintain this edge.

The Pledge of Long-Term Security Assistance for Ukraine, announced at the Washington NATO Summit last summer, is one of the key elements in our commitment. We must make sure that the Alliance delivers on this pledge.

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Now is the time for European leadership.

The day before yesterday, your Prime Minister brought together an important and timely leaders’ meeting here in London, accelerating our efforts to support Ukraine and to seek a just and lasting peace. Europe has momentum and we will use it.

The day after tomorrow, the European Council will convene on the initiative of Finland’s Prime Minister Petteri Orpo.

I expect that the meeting in Brussels this week will deliver concrete and sizable commitments for additional EU support to Ukraine, as well as take decisive steps toward strengthening European defence – or rearming Europe, as the President of the European Commission has phrased it.

We have reached a point where decisions must not be symbolic – they must be consequential. Let me be absolutely clear: if we do not act now, we will pay a far greater price later.

Pathway to sustainable peace

Ladies and gentlemen,

There can be no sustainable peace in Ukraine without a strong and sovereign Ukraine. This is not just a political reality; it is a moral imperative.

Rushing to a deal at the cost of its content and without due consideration of the consequences would endanger not only Ukraine but also Europe and, by extension, the United States for generations to come.

We Finns know Russia. Russia shares a land border with 14 countries. Only one of them has constantly remained an independent democracy through the second world war and the cold war:

Finland.

History has taught us that Russia respects only strength and resolve. Russia’s current war is based on imperialistic ambitions that go beyond Ukraine. The Kremlin’s appetite does not diminish when fed; it only grows.

Take it from us: whatever happens in this war, Russia will remain a long-term strategic threat to Euro-Atlantic security. Rather than encourage, we need to keep it at bay.

Of course, we need to be open for  re-engagement in the future if Russia started to adhere to international law again. But going forward, it would be a mistake to let go of our deterrence or rebuild strategic dependency on Russia. This goes for all of Europe.

So far, we have not seen any sign that President Putin has any genuine will to negotiate a lasting agreement – on the contrary. A week ago on Monday, on the 3rd anniversary of Russia’s invasion, Russia launched the so far largest drone attack on Ukraine. That is not what you would expect from someone who is truly interested in peace.

There is no reason whatsoever to believe that Putin has moderated his demands from those he laid out in December 2021 – demands that, if accepted, would roll back decades of progress in European security.

Caving to these demands would expose Europe to further aggression. Instead, our objective must be a just, lasting peace that respects international law, including the prohibition of annexation of territory through the use of force.

Let me emphasize: peace does not and must not mean submission. True peace is built on justice, accountability, and deterrence. We must not mistake a temporary pause for a sustainable peace.

If in doubt, you can ask the Baltic states what kind of peace it was to live under Russian (or Soviet) occupation. Deported civilians, missing children, a massive setback in prosperity and subpar living standards for decades, no political or personal freedoms. You can call that peace but it’s not something the brave Ukrainians have been sacrificing their lives for or what they (or anyone) would deserve going forward.

Second, any negotiations with Russia may not lead to an agreement that changes the European security architecture, its principles and commitments. Europe’s security is not a bargaining chip.

Russia will only have an interest in committing to an agreement when they understand that they cannot reach their goal of subjugating Ukraine through military or other means.

The policy of Mr. Putin and his henchmen is based on the belief that time is on their side: That we – the western people in general – are weak, divided, and looking for a way out of the war at almost any cost. They believe that Russia could simply outlast us.

We not only have to prove them wrong. In fact, we already have done so in the past three years. Let’s not forget, Russia thought they would take Kyiv in a matter of days and Europe would just sit still and watch. And continue buying Russian gas. How wrong they were.

In fact, the course of action we (Europe) have taken in the past 3 years is exactly the right one: provide military assistance to Ukraine and put economic pressure on Russia. The medicine is working but we’re not just done yet.

To secure a peace that can last, Ukraine needs a strong deterrent against any future aggression. Without such guarantees, any truce or a ceasefire is only an invitation for Russia to regroup and return. We have seen this time and again. We must not repeat the mistakes made with the Minsk agreements.

The most credible security guarantee would be NATO membership. Before that happens (but also thereafter), the required deterrence must be based primarily on Ukraine's own defense forces, firmly supported by external assistance and credible security arrangements provided by Europe and the US.

In parallel to supporting Ukraine, Russia's position must be further weakened. Sanctions must be strengthened and their implementation made more effective.

We must also find a way to use the frozen Russian assets – around 200 billion euros in Europe – to support Ukraine and compensate for the damage Russia’s aggression has caused.

We Finns know from experience that Russia is a skillful but unreliable negotiator.

One of our foremost diplomats and later President Paasikivi was on several occasions on the other side of the table from Stalin and Molotov when our existence as an independent country was on the line in the 1930’s and 1940’s.

He summed it up well: “The constant policy of the Russians is to get what they can with as little as possible and then come back asking for more…They never sacrifice their immediate interests for future objectives….They are immune to any ethical, human or abstract legal factors.”

This is the Finnish experience. The Ukrainians know from their own experience that Russia has broken every single commitment they have ever made on Ukraine’s sovereignty. No agreement with Moscow can stand without the will and the means to enforce it.

The merits of any agreement that may result from the talks that have been initiated between the US and Russia (or any group of countries) will not be judged on the day of the signing. They will be judged every day thereafter.

To make sure that the “deal” is a good one, the US will need us Europeans.

The Transatlantic Partnership and the Role of the UK

Ladies and gentlemen,

History has shown that when Europe and the United States stand together, we are an unbreakable force for peace, security and freedom. Transatlantic partnership has historically been strong – and it must remain so.

President Trump is certainly right that we in Europe must do more for our own security. But for both the U.S. and Europe to succeed in bringing peace to Ukraine and strengthening transatlantic security, we must build “peace through the strength of alliances.”

This applies to security and defence but also to the global economic and technological competition.

On the British Isles, as well as on the European continent, we share the same concerns about the future. We are determined to act so that we can shape that future, rather than being shaped by it.

The UK’s contribution to European security is not just historic – it is essential. From both world wars to the present day, Britain has stood firm when freedom has been at stake.

Prime Minister Starmer’s recent commitment to increasing defence spending is a powerful and timely message. It coincides with similar decisions across Europe: we are stepping up.

Together, the EU and the UK have a GDP almost ten times the size of Russia. We have the means.

Whether we have the political will is a question of priority – and no priority is higher than keeping our citizens safe. By doing more as Europe, we also show with actions our value as a trusted, indispensable transatlantic partner.

Sir Winston Churchill once said, “To each, there comes a moment... when they are figuratively tapped on the shoulder and offered the chance to do a special thing, unique to them and their talents.”

This is Europe’s moment. We must rise to it.

I thank you for your attention.